Israel 1979: 391. Adjective. Meaning glossed as 'every; all'. Cf. also ɽapa 'adv. completely; adj. all' [Israel 1979: 407]; textual examples show that bare is used much more frequently, although it is difficult to establish precise semantic differences. Sunkarametta: bare 'all' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 283].
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 214. Cf. also darmu 'ashes' (dialectal form attested in the Kalahandi District; the authors propose that it was borrowed from Manḍa) [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 212].
Reddy 2009: 69. Plural: darmu-ŋ. This etymon is listed only as part of the compound niːy-darambu 'ashes' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 268]; in [Reddy 2009: 79], this compound is listed as niːy darambu 'ashes formed by burning of charcoal'. Cf. also husu 'soot, ash' [Reddy 2009: 161].
Kui:naːɽi=duːli3
Winfield 1929: 83. Literally = 'fire-dust'; the word duːli by itself = 'dust' [Winfield 1929: 33]. Balliguda dialect: naːɖi=duːlli [Maheswaran 2008: 372].
Krishnamurti 1969: 390. Plural: poʈ-eŋ. Slightly dubious, since the word is only glossed as 'stomach'; however, no alternate word for 'belly' or 'abdomen' is attested. At least one of the textual examples shows that the word is also applicable to the external belly: "After you had eaten, am I to gaze at your mouth or lick your belly (poʈa)?" [Krishnamurti 1969: 82].
Israel 1979: 366. Meaning glossed as 'stomach'. Cf. also baɳɖi 'stomach' [Israel 1976: 390]. Sunkarametta, Parja: banɖi 'belly' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 283] vs. Sunkarametta: ʈuʈi 'stomach' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 277]. It remains unclear which of these two words is the original 'stomach' and which one is the original 'belly, abdomen'; tentatively, we include the one that is supported by external data (Kui).
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 203. Meaning glossed as 'big, large'.
Manda:dali3
Reddy 2009: 69. Meaning glossed as 'big, great, large, huge'. Cf. also beɖe, with polysemy: 'great / big / strong' [Reddy 2009: 109]. Cf. also gaz 'big' [Reddy 2009: 43]. No clear semantic difference between any of these words.
Kui:deri4
Winfield 1929: 28. Meaning glossed as 'large, great, chief, superior, important, extensive, exalted, elder, eldest'; cf. also the derived nominal stems der-anʓu 'big man or boy, etc.'; der-ari 'big woman or girl, big animal or thing, etc.' [ibid.]. There are at least two competing items: paːʈal 'large, big, great, huge' [Winfield 1929: 91] and roːʈa 'big, great, chief' [Winfield 1929: 102]. However, in the Balliguda dialect it is deri 'big' [Maheswaran 2008: 347] that is clearly the most basic, the most frequent and possibly the only equivalent for this Swadesh meaning. We select the item that is corroborated by both sources as the optimal candidate for inclusion.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 199. Borrowed from Oriya. Cf. also the verbal stem kahraː 'to be black', with the adjectival derivative kahraː-ti 'black' [ibid.]. Analysis of textual evidence in the source shows that kala is the preferred equivalent for the neutral meaning 'black' (as opposed to other colors).
Reddy 2009: 30. Quoted as kaɽi-ndi in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 139]. Also attested simply as kaːɽi 'black, dark' [Reddy 2009: 29]. Cf. also kala 'black', kala-guɳɖa 'black design' [Reddy 2009: 26].
Kui:kaːli-1
Winfield 1929: 57. Borrowed from Oriya. Balliguda dialect: kaːli 'black, green' [Maheswaran 2008: 357]. Cf. also gandari 'black' [Winfield 1929: 39]; sroːbi, with polysemy: 'soot / black' (noun and adjective) [Winfield 1929: 114]. We select the equivalent on which Winfield and Maheswaran are in agreement as the primary choice.
Winfield 1929: 99. Balliguda dialect: raka ~ raʔta ~ rakʔa 'blood, red' [Maheswaran 2008: 383]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: rakaʔa 'blood' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 124]. Borrowed from Oriya (Indo-Aryan *rakta- 'blood'). The old Dravidian word for 'blood' is still preserved as Kui nederi in the function of a "balance word" [Winfield 1929: 84], but no longer serves as the basic equivalent.
Israel 1979: 380. Polysemy: 'blood / red colour'. Cf. also kasa 'blood', said to be "used in some areas" [Israel 1979: 346]. Sunkarametta: kassa 'blood' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 273], neteri 'blood' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 280] (no difference indicated). It seems that kas(s)a, a word of unclear origin, tends to replace the original word for 'blood' in some dialectal areas, but we include the inherited term, well attested in our main source.
Number:10
Word:bone
Konda:ɖumu1
Krishnamurti 1969: 372. Plural: ɖumu-k. The older equivalent is preserved in the Sova dialect: sg. pɽeː-nu, pl. pɽeː-ku 'bone, intestines' [Krishnamurti 1969: 391]; quoted as sg. peɽe-n, pl. peɽe-k in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 391].
Krishnamurti 1969: 355. Plural: eduram-ku. Distinct from paːlu 'breast / milk' [Krishnamurti 1969: 386]. Cf. also boːɾ-a, pl. boːɾ-eŋ 'chest' [Krishnamurti 1969: 395] (possibly borrowed from Telugu boːra id.?). Differently in Burrow & Bhattacharya's field records: guɳɖa 'chest' [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 155] (see also notes on 'heart'), as well as ninʓam 'chest' [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 333] - semantic difference between these two stems is unknown.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 215. Also nenʓa ɖaki id. The word nenʓa per se means 'pith of tree' (i. e. < 'heart', although the anatomical meaning is not explicitly attested in the source).
Winfield 1929: 24. Plural: ɖaki-ŋga. Meaning glossed as 'breast bone, chest'. Distinct from sɽaːŋgu 'a breast' (female) [Winfield 1929: 114], attested as sraːŋgu for the Kuṭṭiya dialect [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 125]. Different opposition in the Balliguda dialect: ɖakki ~ daːki 'chest, shell, slough' [Maheswaran 2008: 351] vs. duːndu 'breast (female)' [Maheswaran 2008: 27, 349].
Israel 1979: 422. First part of this compound is not quite clear. Cf. also boko 'chest' [Israel 1979: 395]. Sunkarametta: hipa-ɖaki, Parja: siːpa-ɖaki 'chest' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 289]. Cf. Parja duːd-u 'breast' (female?) [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 279].
Krishnamurti 1969: 356. Polysemy: 'to kindle fire / to light, burn'. Possible alternate synonym: mar-g- 'to burn' (also marked as a transitive verb) [Krishnamurti 1969: 396]. Cf. also vey 'to be burnt' (intransitive verb) [Krishnamurti 1969: 406]. Several seemingly specialized synonyms are also available: aʈk- 'to burn (heaps of hacked forest-wood before starting cultivation), to set fire to' [Krishnamurti 1969: 347]; sur- '(meat, etc.) to roast; to burn (incense)' [Krishnamurti 1969: 411].
Winfield 1929: 79. Transitive verb; meaning glossed as 'to consume by fire, to burn; n. destruction by fire'. Balliguda dialect: mɽah- 'to burn (tr.)' [Maheswaran 2008: 371]. This seems to be a more likely candidate for the basic slot than kap-pa 'to cause to burn, to char, scorch' [Winfield 1929: 59], which is a regular transitive formation from kamb-a 'to be burned, injured by fire, consumed by fire' [Winfield 1929: 57] and attested as kap- 'to scorch' for the Balliguda dialect [Maheswaran 2008: 177]. Should also be distinguished from the intransitive riː-va 'to burn (fire)' [Winfield 1929: 101].
Israel 1979: 423. Polysemy: 'to fire (gun etc.) / to burn'. There are at least several additional entries in the source that also feature the meaning 'burn', e. g. ɽinʓ-i- 'to burn, flash, blaze' (transitive) [Israel 1979: 408], with an additional causative formation ɽiːh- 'to make fire burn, light fire' [ibid.]; cf. also the intransitive verb kaːɖ-i- 'to be burnt' [Israel 1979: 346]. Nevertheless, we select huːɖ- as the main entry because it is the only verb whose semantics is well confirmed by a textual example: "so the rajah said, 'put me also (in the hole) and burn me'" [Israel 1979: 273], where the listed imperative form is huːɖ-adu. Cf. Sunkarametta huːɖ- 'to burn, to shoot with gun' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 289].
Reddy 2009: 49; Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 55. Plural: guːr-ke. Distinct from mala, pl. mala-ŋ 'claw' [Reddy 2009: 113].
Kui:uŋgul-i-1
Winfield 1929: 126. Plural: uŋgul-aka. Balliguda dialect: uŋguːl-i [Maheswaran 2008: 331]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: unʓul-i [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 127]. In the latter work, the authors place under doubt Winfield's decision to define this word as a borrowing from Oriya, arguing that the corresponding Indo-Aryan word (Sanskrit aŋguli- and its descendants) not only has a different initial vowel, but also has a different meaning ('finger'), and that it makes more sense to compare uŋgul-i with the native Dravidian word for 'fingernail' (Tamil ukir, etc.). This alternate etymology is, however, untenable, since Tamil ukir, etc. corresponds to Kui goːra, pl. goːra-ŋga 'claw, talon, nail' [Winfield 1929: 44] = Balliguda goːra 'claw' [Maheswaran 2008: 365], a word that is still frequently preserved in its original polysemous meaning in many Gondi-Kui languages and dialects but seems to have largely become restricted to '(animal's) claw, (bird's) talon' in Kui proper. In the light of this, it does seem reasonable to view uŋguli as an Oriya borrowing: the semantic shift 'finger' > 'finger-nail' is trivial and often present in situations where it becomes necessary to separate 'human fingernail' from 'animal claw', and the vocalic change is easily explainable through assimilation (*aŋgul- > *uŋgul-).
Winfield 1929: 80. Meaning glossed as 'a cloud, the sky'. Balliguda dialect: muːɖeːŋgi 'cloud' [Maheswaran 2008: 369]. Different equivalent in Kuṭṭiya: ʓaggu 'cloud' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 133], cognate with Kuwi haːgu 'cloud, sky'.
Reddy 2009: 89. Dubious, since the meaning is only glossed as nominal: 'cold, winter'. However, no separate adjectival stem is attested in the dictionary. Also quoted as peni 'cold' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 360].
Winfield 1929: 54. Cf. the derived forms: ʓili in-ba 'to be cold, cool'; ʓil-na 'coldly, coolly' (adv.) [ibid.]. Cf. also peːni 'cold weather, low temperature', (adjective) 'cold, chilly' [Winfield 1929: 92]; apparently, the main difference is that ʓili is applied to objects, whereas peːni refers to weather. Balliguda dialect: ʓilli 'cold' (e. g. ʓilli siru 'cold water') [Maheswaran 2008: 353] vs. peni ~ penni 'cold, winter' [Maheswaran 2008: 353]. Possibly a different equivalent in the Kuṭṭiya dialect: cf. kaːkori 'cold (of water)' in [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 133].
Israel 1979: 387. Used both as an adjective ('cold') and as a noun ('coldness'). Cf. Parja: hiːle 'cold' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 289] (it is not specified whether this is an adjective or a noun); Sunkarametta: peni 'cold' (noun) [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 282]. Additionally, cf. also hitɽi 'cold' [Israel 1979: 421], quoted the same way for the Sunkarametta dialect in [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 288].
Winfield 1929: 106. Polysemy: 'to die / to be ill / to suffer'. Balliguda dialect: saː- [Maheswaran 2008: 376]. Cf. also the periphrastic construction aːɽi aːva 'to die' [Winfield 1929: 7], where the first component probably goes back to the old Dravidian root *aɽ- 'to perish; to destroy'. Cf. also mruː-va, glossed in [Winfield 1929: 80] as a 'balance word of saːva' and confirmed in [Maheswaran 2008: 370] as mruː- 'to die' in the G.Udayagiri dialect. This latter entry is a rather obvious Indo-Aryan borrowing.
Israel 1979: 420. Cf. also ɖak- 'to die (often used in a light hearted manner)' [Israel 1979: 367]. Sunkarametta: haː- 'to die' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 288].
Krishnamurti 1969: 353. Polysemy: 'to drink / to eat' (since tin- is glossed as 'to eat solid food', this verb is likely applicable to various semi-liquid or soft substances). Past stem: ut-.
Israel 1979: 337. Cf. also goh-, glossed with polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke' in [Israel 1979: 359]. Sunkarametta: goh- 'to drink' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 276]. Judging by the texts in Israel's monograph, it seems that goh- (cognate with Kui goh-pa 'to swallow') has either already become the new default equivalent for 'to drink' in most Kuwi dialects, or is on the verge of replacing the old verb uɳ-. However, the latter is also occasionally encountered in textual examples, and the semantic difference remains unclear. We tentatively include uɳ- in the primary slot as a lexicostatistical match with Kui, but it is possible that in the light of future data this may have to be amended in favor of a non-match with goh-.
Krishnamurti 1969: 404. Intransitive verbal stem: 'to dry (in the sun); to get dried'. Derived forms include var̥-is- 'to let dry' (causative) and var̥-ti 'dried' (adjective).
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 228. Past stem: vaɕ-ɕ-. Meaning of this verbal stem is glossed as 'to dry up, wither, become emaciated'; analysis of textual examples shows that this word and its derivates are commonly used in the meaning 'dry, to become dry' (of smth. wet), as opposed to sukaː- 'to dry up, wither' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 229], meaning 'to become excessively dry, withered' and therefore ineligible for inclusion.
Manda:hurke ~ hukre2
Reddy 2009: 159, 160. Cf. also the verbal stem vas 'to dry up, wither' [Reddy 2009: 136].
Winfield 1929: 128. Verbal stem: 'to dry, wither; to be dried up, withered, thin, emaciated; n. dryness, leanness'. Balliguda dialect: bas- 'to be dry, wither' [Maheswaran 2008: 341]. There seems to be no difference between the neutral semantics of 'dry' and the "negative" semantics of 'dried up' in Kui.
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